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Alabama Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama established that "where a challenger succeeds in establishing racial predominance, the burden shifts to the State to 'demonstrate that its districting legislation is narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling interest. Trial on the merits of the claims against the 2013 plans has not been scheduled, and legal challenges to the 2013 plans will not be resolved before the 2016 election cycle. While all districts must have roughly the same population, mapmakers can make subjective decisions on how to draw the boundaries, and how to group voters in a district, to create a partisan tilt. In such circumstances, a 'power, civil or military,' to wit, the General Assembly, has in fact 'interfere[d] to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage.'. The procedural elements of redistricting are generally governed by state laws, and state redistricting practices can vary regarding the methods used for drawing districts, timeline for redistricting, and which actors (e.g., elected officials, designated redistricting commissioners, and/or members of the public) are involved in the process. On April 30, 2019, attorneys for Republican lawmakers appealed the decision to the Supreme Court of the United States. Help us deliver content youre most interested in. [31][32], Following the 2010 United States Census, Arkansas neither gained nor lost congressional seats. Associate Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Elena Kagan, Sonia Sotomayor, and Stephen Breyer dissented. Independent Redistricting Commissions | Campaign Legal Center State Democrats alleged that Pennsylvania's congressional district plan, which was drawn by a Republican-controlled state legislature, gave an unfair advantage to Republicans over Democrats in violation of state and federal law. The redistricting backup commission was convened to draw the map. [219][220][221][222][223], On January 26, 2018, the state supreme court issued an order appointing Nate Persily, a Stanford University law professor, "to assist the court in adopting, if necessary, a remedial congressional redistricting plan." After a long court battle over North Carolinas maps, the Supreme Court found that partisan gerrymandering claims present political questions beyond the reach of the federal courts, though it said nothing about the state courts. Associate Justice Sonia Sotomayor penned a dissenting opinion, which was joined by Associate Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Elena Kagan. On August 13, 2011, the legislature approved a new congressional map. Holder said, "After nearly a decade of voting in some of the most gerrymandered districts in the country, courts have put new maps in place that are an improvement over the status quo, but the people still deserve better. In the wake of the 2010 election, however, Republicans held three congressional seats. "[249][250], On May 29, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States dismissed Agre v. Wolf, a separate suit alleging unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering in the state's congressional district map, as moot. Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts presided over a new State Senate map that kept the opposition Federalist Party in the minority. [332], In June 2012, Democrats assumed a one-vote majority in the Wisconsin State Senate as the result of a series of recall elections. By the end of 1965, 250,000 new Black voters had registered. The matter was brought before the New Mexico First Judicial District Court, which issued an opinion establishing new state House district lines on January 3, 2012. In the 2020 election, President Biden won Travis County, which includes Austin, by 45 percentage points. They argued that the primary election should now be allowed to go forward on June 14 under the newly drawn plan of the lower court. accessibility issues, please let us know. Meanwhile, Republican lawmakers argued that "they were complying with the Voting Rights Act in moving black voters to existing majority-minority districts. A district court therefore must undertaken an 'equitable weighing process' to select a fitting remedy for the legal violations it has identified, taking account of "what is necessary, what is fair, and what is workable." On November 23, 2011, the San Antonio federal court issued its own interim congressional and state legislative district maps, which were intended to apply to the 2012 elections. The four remaining district maps adopted by the district court (in Hoke, Cumberland, Guilford, Sampson, and Wayne counties) were permitted to stand. This proved unnecessary, however, as a revised congressional map passed the state legislature on December 14, 2011, and was signed into law the next day.[202][35]. In 1788, Gov. On November 8, 2011, the Washington, D.C., Court of Appeals denied Abbott's request for an expedited decision, thereby setting the stage for a trial. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia ruled in 2011 that the evidence before Congress in 2006 was sufficient to justify the re-authorization of Section 5 and the continued use of the formula in Section 4(b). Apportioning keeps a map of districts fixed and assigns a number of seats to each district according to its population. The U.S. Department of Justice precleared the amended maps on December 8, 2011. On May 31, 2018, the state supreme court upheld Marchant's decision, allowing the contested district maps to stand. (2015). The maps were signed into law on August 24, 2011. Cracking is when mapmakers break up a cluster of a certain type of voters people from a specific demographic group, or simply affiliated with the opposing party and spread them among several districts, diluting their vote rather than allowing them to exert a larger influence in fewer districts or even a single district. A C. 10. [42][35], Following the 2010 United States Census, Florida gained two congressional seats. According to The Philadelphia Inquirer, an attorney for the Pennsylvania General Assembly, in a separate letter, said, "The General Assembly and its Legislative Data Processing Center do not maintain ESRI shapefiles that contain current boundaries of all Pennsylvania municipalities and precincts.